윤대통령 담화를 영문으로 작성했다. 써 무라. +7

Now, the opposition party is accusing the declaration of martial law of being an act of treason and is stirring chaos with frenzied rhetoric.
Is that truly the case?

Who is truly responsible for the paralysis of state affairs and the erosion of constitutional order in South Korea today?
For the past two and a half years, the major opposition party has refused to acknowledge the president elected by the people and has continuously incited resignation and impeachment.
They have refused to accept the results of the presidential election.
From the beginning of the administration until now, there have been 178 rallies calling for the president's resignation or impeachment.

To paralyze the president's governance, they have pushed for the impeachment of dozens of government officials since the inception of this administration.
Even officials who committed no wrongdoing were suspended from their duties for extended periods during the impeachment process.
Many public officials resigned preemptively before impeachment proceedings even began.
This rampant abuse of impeachment has paralyzed governance.

Ministers, the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, auditors investigating their misconduct, prosecutors, and even judges have been subjected to impeachment and intimidation.
These actions are not only shielded by political protection but also entirely undermine public discipline and the rule of law.

Moreover, they have proposed unconstitutional special prosecution bills 27 times, launching aggressive political offensives.

Now, they are even pushing self-serving legislation to grant amnesty to criminals.
The National Assembly, dominated by the major opposition party, has become a destructive force eroding the foundations of liberal democracy instead of upholding it.

Is this not a national crisis caused by political paralysis?
And it doesn't stop there.

The major opposition party is now threatening national security and public safety.
For instance, last June, three Chinese nationals were caught using drones to film a U.S. aircraft carrier docked in Busan.
Their devices contained photos of South Korean military facilities spanning at least two years.
Just last month, a Chinese individual in his 40s was caught using a drone to film the National Intelligence Service (NIS).
He was found to have engaged in these activities immediately upon entering South Korea from China.

However, current laws do not allow foreign espionage to be punished as espionage.
When efforts were made to amend the criminal law to address espionage, the major opposition party vehemently blocked it.
This is in addition to stripping the NIS of its counterespionage authority and attempting to abolish the National Security Law during their previous administration.
Are they not effectively telling us not to apprehend spies?

Even as North Korea illegally advances its nuclear weapons program and missile provocations, with GPS disruptions and propaganda balloons, the major opposition party not only sympathizes but also sides with the North while criticizing the government’s efforts to respond.
They even argue that UN sanctions on North Korea for its illegal nuclear development should be lifted first.

What country does this party represent? What kind of legislature is this?

The opposition has slashed next year’s budgets for key initiatives such as prosecuting financial fraud, combating crimes against the socially vulnerable, drug investigations, and counter-espionage operations to zero.
Funding for counter-drug and deepfake crimes has also been severely reduced.
This obstruction extends beyond investigations targeting them, crippling even public safety and anti-crime efforts.
Are they trying to turn South Korea into a haven for spies, drugs, and gangs?

At the same time, they have increased the National Assembly’s budget to preserve their privileges.

The Economy is in a Critical Emergency

The opposition party is even trying to extinguish South Korea's engines of growth.
Looking at the details of next year’s budget cuts made by the Democratic Party, it’s clear:

They have slashed the budget for supporting the nuclear power ecosystem and cut the budget for supporting nuclear power plant exports to the Czech Republic by a staggering 90%.

They have nearly eliminated the budget for next-generation nuclear power development.

Budgets for basic scientific research, quantum technology, semiconductors, biotechnology, and other future growth engines have been significantly reduced.

Funding for the drilling of the East Sea gas field, known as the "Great Whale Project," has been practically wiped out.

Youth job support programs, asset formation support for children from vulnerable groups, and childcare allowances have also been targeted.

Budgets for innovation growth funds to foster the industrial ecosystem and support for small and medium-sized businesses have been cut.

A whopping 1 trillion won has been slashed from disaster relief reserves, and R&D budgets for vaccine development to prepare for pandemics have also been reduced.

As a result, South Korea is now in a state of government paralysis and societal disruption due to the tyranny and unconstitutional actions of the opposition party. Administrative and judicial functions cannot operate normally under these circumstances.

Citizens, much of this may already be familiar to you.
However, I must now reveal even more serious matters that I have been reluctant to disclose until now, leading to my grave decision to declare martial law.

In the latter half of last year, constitutional institutions, including the National Election Commission (NEC), and government agencies faced cyberattacks from North Korea. The National Intelligence Service (NIS) detected this and sought to inspect the safety of information systems and prevent data leaks.

All other institutions agreed to NIS inspections under their supervision, but the NEC stubbornly refused, citing its status as a constitutional body.

Then came the NEC’s massive hiring corruption scandal, leading to audits and investigations, after which it agreed to limited inspections. However, the NEC allowed only a small fraction of its systems to be checked, refusing further access.

Even with this partial inspection, the findings were alarming. When an NIS agent simulated a hacking attempt, it was revealed that data manipulation was easily possible, and the firewall was virtually nonexistent. Passwords were absurdly simple, like “12345.” The company managing the system's security was a very small and unqualified firm.

As President, I was shocked upon receiving the NIS’s report.
How can citizens trust election results when the system managing the heart of democracy—elections—is so poorly protected?

Although the NEC observed the NIS security checks, it repeatedly denied any deliberate data manipulation on its part. However, since the NEC is a constitutional body with judicial officials as members, it is practically immune from forced investigation or search and seizure without its cooperation.

Ahead of the April 2024 general election, demands were made to address these issues, but it remains unclear whether adequate improvements have been made.

Thus, I instructed the Minister of Defense to inspect the NEC’s electronic systems.

When the opposition Democratic Party recently sought to impeach the Chief Prosecutor of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office and other prosecutors investigating their corruption, as well as the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection, I concluded that I could no longer stand by.

It was evident that they would soon attempt to undermine the judiciary through impeachment. At this juncture, I began contemplating the declaration of martial law.

Although the opposition party has repeatedly abused its constitutional authority to take unconstitutional actions, I resolved to act within the constitutional framework as President.

I judged the current state of national dysfunction, caused by the paralysis of government and societal disruptions, as a collapse of administrative and judicial functions due to severe social disorder.
Accordingly, I declared martial law to alert the people of the anti-national misconduct of the opposition party and to warn them to halt these actions.

This decision was made to prevent the collapse of our liberal democratic constitutional order and to restore the proper functioning of the state.

Following the lifting of martial law on December 4, the Democratic Party announced they would postpone the impeachment motions against the Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Chief Prosecutor of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office. This led me to believe that the brief declaration of martial law had partially succeeded in delivering its message.

However, just two days later, they proceeded with the impeachment motions they had said would be postponed. This clearly signaled their intent to undermine the justification for martial law.

From the beginning, I explained to the Minister of Defense that this martial law would differ from traditional ones. My intent was to take emergency measures to inform and appeal to the public about the crisis the nation faces, using the framework of martial law.

Therefore, I instructed only a small number of troops necessary for maintaining order to be deployed. No operational military action was to take place, and I emphasized that if the National Assembly passed a resolution to lift martial law, all troops were to withdraw immediately.

Indeed, when the National Assembly passed the resolution to lift martial law, I summoned the Minister of Defense from the ministry headquarters to my office and ordered the immediate withdrawal of troops.

As President, my emergency measures were not aimed at disrupting or damaging South Korea’s constitutional order but at informing the public of the dire crisis we face and safeguarding and restoring the constitution and democratic governance.

The deployment of troops to the National Assembly, though small in scale, was symbolic, intended to draw attention to the destructive actions of the opposition party and maintain order in anticipation of large crowds of Assembly members and citizens arriving at the site following the declaration of martial law. It was not, as some claim, an attempt to dissolve or paralyze the National Assembly.

It is self-evident that fewer than 300 non-operational troops could not have effectively occupied the vast grounds of the National Assembly for an extended period. Traditional martial law requires tens of thousands of troops and extensive prior planning and discussions. However, I instructed the Minister of Defense to move troops only after the broadcast announcing the declaration of martial law.

Thus, the sequence of events unfolded as follows:

The martial law declaration was broadcast at 10:30 a.m.

Troop deployments began between 11:30 a.m. and shortly after 12:00 p.m.

The National Assembly passed the resolution to lift martial law shortly after 1:00 p.m., and I immediately ordered the withdrawal of troops.

In total, troops were deployed for only one to two hours.

Had the intent been to paralyze the National Assembly, martial law would have been declared over a weekend rather than a weekday. The Assembly building could have been cut off from power and water supplies, and broadcasting could have been restricted. None of this occurred.

Instead, the National Assembly proceeded with its deliberations, and the entire situation was broadcast live for the public to witness.

This emergency measure was a necessary and unavoidable appeal to the public to address the destructive crisis threatening the nation and restore the constitutional order. Safety was a top priority to ensure no casualties occurred. Only elite personnel above the rank of non-commissioned officer were deployed.

In preparing for this martial law, I consulted exclusively with the Minister of Defense and informed a few members of the Presidential Office and Cabinet during a National Security Council meeting shortly before the declaration.

There were many objections raised, stemming from their perspectives on the potential concerns within their respective areas of responsibility.

However, as President, I explained that this action was unavoidable given the state of the nation.

Military personnel acted strictly in accordance with my orders following the declaration of martial law, including the troop movements. Therefore, they bear no responsibility for any wrongdoing.

Let me emphasize: I instructed that no restrictions be placed on the entry of National Assembly personnel. As a result, Assembly members and large numbers of citizens entered the Assembly grounds, the main building, and the plenary chamber, where deliberations on the motion to lift martial law proceeded without interference.

Despite this, efforts are being made to fabricate countless false claims to accuse the President of rebellion and remove me from office.

Can there truly be such a thing as a “two-hour rebellion”?

Is the brief deployment of a small number of troops for maintaining order being labeled as an insurrection?

Why is the opposition party, through its lies and propaganda, rushing to impeach the President?

There is only one reason.

As the opposition leader's conviction draws near, they are attempting to avoid this outcome by impeaching the President, thereby triggering an early presidential election.

Even if it means destroying the nation's systems, they aim to cover up their crimes and seize control of the government.

Is this not, in itself, an act of undermining the constitutional order?

Impeach me or investigate me—I will face it head-on.

I have already stated that I will not avoid either legal or political responsibility for the declaration of martial law.

Since my inauguration as President, not once have I been concerned with personal popularity, the length of my term, or clinging to my position.

Had I been focused on holding on to my position, I would not have fought against those undermining the constitutional order, nor would I have declared martial law in such extraordinary circumstances.

I could not ignore the state and its people while clinging to a five-year term.

I could not betray the trust of the citizens who elected me.

Standing against the legislative tyranny of the opposition, which wields its majority to commit legislative abuses and focus solely on shielding itself from accountability, I have fought to defend South Korea’s liberal democracy, constitution, and political order.

The decision to declare martial law was a constitutional judgment and a sovereign act made as the only viable option. How can this possibly be considered rebellion?

The President’s authority to declare martial law is a sovereign act, akin to the authority to grant pardons or conduct diplomacy, and is not subject to judicial review.

My fellow citizens, the opposition is attempting to brand me as a criminal and remove me from office immediately.

What would happen if these forces, who undermine the constitutional order, came to dominate this country?

Unconstitutional laws, self-serving immunity laws, and economically destructive legislation would pass unchecked through the National Assembly, completely dismantling this nation.

Our future growth engines, including the nuclear power and semiconductor industries, would collapse, while Chinese-manufactured solar facilities would destroy our forests nationwide.

The foundations of our security and economy—the South Korea-U.S. alliance and the South Korea-U.S.-Japan cooperation—would collapse once again.

North Korea would further advance its nuclear and missile capabilities, posing an even greater threat to our lives.

What future would this leave for South Korea?

Would we not become a nation overrun by spies, plagued by drugs that destroy our future generations, and controlled by gangs?

No matter the cost, we must prevent those who have paralyzed the government and undermined the constitutional order, as well as criminal forces, from seizing control and jeopardizing the future of South Korea.

I will fight to the very end.

Citizens, in this dire emergency that has paralyzed the government, my decision to declare martial law to protect the nation and restore normal governance was a constitutional exercise of the President’s legal authority.

It was a high-level political decision made solely with the understanding that the National Assembly’s demand for its repeal would be respected.

This is well-supported by judicial precedent and the majority opinion among constitutional scholars.

I promptly complied with the National Assembly’s request to lift martial law.

While some may hold differing views on the conditions for declaring martial law, to label emergency measures to save the nation as an act of rebellion is, as many constitutional scholars and legal experts have pointed out, a grave misinterpretation that puts our legal system and constitution at serious risk.

I must ask:

Where were those who now rage wildly when the nation was descending into this state?

Did they not recognize that South Korea was on the brink of crisis?

To all public officials, I urge you to remain steadfast in protecting the safety and livelihoods of the people during these grave security and global economic challenges.

Fellow citizens, for the past two and a half years, I have looked only to the people, fighting against injustice and tyranny disguised as democracy to protect and rebuild liberal democracy.

Please join me in protecting the Republic of Korea, a nation preserved through blood and sweat, and in defending our liberal democracy.

I humbly and earnestly appeal to all of you to stand together in this effort.

I will fight alongside you until the very end.

To the citizens who may have been alarmed or unsettled by the brief martial law, I once again express my sincere apologies.

Please believe in my unwavering devotion to the people and my deep commitment to this nation.

Thank you.